Rachid Ouaissa: While today’s dualisms and mechanisms of domination have undergone discursive changes through such terms like “global South” and “global North,” inequalities between the peripheries and the center have not lessened 50 years after Fanon’s death. The so called, globalization, with its new forms of domination and exploitation under the auspices of the IMF and World Bank as well as the speculative economy, drives masses towards a kind of chronic marginality, promoting the emergence of violent peripheries. […] Fanon’s work not only contains analyses of decolonization and repression but also reflections on the futures of “Third World” countries. It furthermore expresses the hope that a new humanity will arise, parallel to a decolonization of the human existence.
[…] Wallerstein writes: “Fanon represented for me the expression of the insistence by those disenfranchised by the modern world system that they have a voice, a vision, and a claim not merely to justice but to intellectual evaluation.” […] Often stigmatized as a glorifier of violence (Arendt 20, 69), Fanon saw the violence of the indigenous members of the periphery as a response to the varieties of violence stemming from the colonial master— physical, psychological, structural and cultural. Fanon wished to hold up a mirror to the Europeans, and he hoped to remind Europe’s intellectuals and citizens of their close complicity in the atrocities of colonialism.
[…] Fanon questioned the possibility of development under the condition of global capitalism. For Fanon “Europe is literally the creation of the Third World”, but the wealth of the center also belongs to the periphery. Because reversing the system of domination was seen as impossible within the existing structures of global capitalism, and in order to achieve total independence, violent revolution and a global distribution of wealth were the only means for driving out oppressive neocolonial forces from the world. Like Samir Amin and Andre? Gunder Frank, Fanon saw the role of the native bourgeoisie very critically. This comprador bourgeoisie, which took power in the periphery after independence, would not be able to guide the free peoples into “development” and “modernity.” Fanon accused this class of collaborating with the colonial power to ensure that the interests of both would continue to be met after the declaration of formal political independence.
[…] Fanon analyzed everyday racism as an alienating spatial relation, treated colonization as spatial organization, and viewed decolonization in part as a form of reappropriating and transforming spatial relations in the colonial city and through the construction of nationwide sociospatial alliances. More here.